Kevin lynch image of the city free download

Video Audio icon An illustration of an audio speaker. Audio Software icon An illustration of a 3. Software Images icon An illustration of two photographs. Images Donate icon An illustration of a heart shape Donate Ellipses icon An illustration of text ellipses. The image of the city Item Preview. EMBED for wordpress. Want more? This was very Figure 19 lesser extent, the named longitudinal streets were also inter- sharply described: its shape, trees, benches, people; the tiles, the changeable.

Several of these "north-south" streets, particularly "cobbled" actually brick-paved street, the tight space, the goods Flower, Hope, Grand, and Olive, all of which run into Bunker for sale, unfailingly the smells of candles and candy. Not only Hill, tended at times, like the numbered streets, to be confused is this small spot visually very distinct, but it is the only true his- one for another. They felt that the grid had deserted them, and FIG.

Broadway FIG. Alameda Street leads treacherously away to the left, you got there you discovered there was nothing there, after all. The large-scale But there was some evidence that orientation at the regional clearance of the civic area seems to have erased the original scale was not too difficult. The apparatus of regional orienta- Figure 20 grid and substituted little new.

The freeway is a sunken barrier. An endless spread, Below this grand scale, however, structure and identity seemed which may carry pleasant connotations of space around the dwell- to be quite difficult. There were no medium-si2ed districts, and ings, or overtones of weariness and disorientation, was the com- paths were confused. People spoke of being lost when off habit- mon image. Said one subject: ual routes, of depending heavily on street signs. Ac the smallest scale, there were occasional pockers of high identity and mean- FIG.

The Hollywood Freeway ing: mountain cabins, beach houses, or areas planted with highly differentiated vegetation. But this was not universal, and an essential middle link in the structure, the imageability of districts at the medium scale, tended to be weak. In almost all the interviews, where subjects were describing the trip they took from home to work, there was a progressive decrease in the vividness of impressions as they approached down- town.

Near the home there was much detail about the slopes and turns, the vegetation and the people; there was evidence of daily interest and pleasure in the scene. Nearing the center, this image gradually became grayer, more abstract and conceptual. The downtown area, as in Jersey City, was basically a collection of named uses and store fronts. Undoubtedly this was in part due to the increasing strain of driving on the major radials, but it seemed to persist even after leaving the car. Evidently the visual material is itself of poorer stuff.

Perhaps the increasing smog also has its effect. Smog and haze, incidentally, were frequently mentioned as the torment of the city dweller.

They seemed to dull environmental colors, so that the over-all tone was reported to be whitish, yel- lowish, or gray. The early portion field Building, or City Hall. Even car drivers moving at high speed seemed to not themes in the interviews. This was the daily experience, the and enjoy such urban detail. Bur these remarks did not apply to the area directly unde Figure 20, page 40 Trip details were full of references to signal lights and signs, study.

Central Los Angeles is far from the visual chaos of Jerse; intersections and turning problems. On the freeways, decisions City, and it has a rather liberal number of single building land had to be made far ahead of time; there were constant lane marks.

Yet, except for a conceptual and rather undifferentiated maneuvers. It was like shooting rapids in a boat, with the same grid, it was difficult to organize or comprehend as a whole. I excitement and tension, the same constant effort to "keep one's had no strong general symbols. The strongest images, Broadway head. There were frequent references to the over- at least, rather alien or even menacing. Not one described then passes, the fun of the big interchanges, the kinesthetic sensations as pleasant or beautiful.

The little, neglected Plaza, and certain of dropping, turning, climbing. For some persons, driving was a of the shopping or entertainment functions symbolized by the challenging, high-speed game. One subject put this by topography. One subject felt that coming over a great hill each saying that the old Plaza, on one end, and the new Wilshire Bou- morning marked the midpoint of her journey and gave shape to levard, on the other, were the only things with character, and that it.

Another noted the extension of the city's scale due to the they summed up Los Angeles. The image seemed to lack much new roads, which have changed her whole conception of the of the recognizable character, stability, and pleasant meaning of relations of elements.

There were references to the pleasure of central Boston. On the other hand, as in Boston, these drivers We find, in comparing these three cities if we can find any- seemed to have difficulty in locating the freeway, in tying it to thing in such small samplings that, as might be expected, peo- the rest of the city structure.

There was a common experience ple adjust to their surroundings and extract structure and identity of a momentary loss of orientation when coming off a freeway our of the material at hand. The types of elements used in the ramp. Perhaps quite comparable between the three, although the proportion of because so much of the environment is new or changing, there element types may vary with the actual form. Yet at the same was evidence of widespread, almost pathological, attachment to time, there are marked differences between the levels of orienta- anything that had survived the upheaval.

Thus the tiny Plaza- tion and satisfaction in these different physical environments. Olvera Street node: or even the decayed hotels of Bunker Hill, Among other things, the tests made clear the significance of Figure 4. Page 20 claimed the attention of many subjects. There was an impression space and breadth of view. The dominance of Boston's Charles from these few interviews that there is an even greater senti- River edge is based on the wide visual sweep it affords on enter- mental attachment to what is old than exists in conservative ing the city from this side.

A large number of city elements Boston. There was an emotional delight arising from a broad view, Quite as apparent is the constant reference to socio-economic which was referred to many times.

Would it be possible, in our class: the avoidance of "lower class" Broadway in Los Angeles, cities, to make this panoramic experience a more common one, the recognition of the "upper class" Bergen Section in Jersey for the thousands who pass every day? A broad view will some- City, or the unmistakable division of Boston's Beacon Hill into times expose chaos, or express characterless loneliness, but a well- two distinct sides.

The interviews brought out another general response: to the Even raw or shapeless space seems to be remarkable, although way in which the physical scene symbolizes the passage of time. Many people refer to the clearance and The Boston interviews were full of references to age contrast: excavation at Dewey Square in Boston as a striking sight.

But when the space has some form, as it does along the Street; the old dark, ornamented, low Trinity Church silhou- Charles River or on Commonwealth Avenue, in Pershing Square etted against the new bright, stark, tall John Hancock Build- or Louisburg Square or to some extent in Copley Square, the ing, and so on.

Indeed, descriptions were often made as if they impact is much stronger: the feature becomes memorable. If were a response to contrast in the urban scene: sparial contrast. Boston's Scollay Square or Jersey City's Journal Square had spa- status contrast, use contrast, relative age, or comparisons of clean- rial character commensurate with their functional importance, liness or of landscaping.

Elements and attributes became remark- they would truly be key features in their cities. The landscape features of the city: the vegetation or the water, In Los Angeles there is an impression that the fluidity of the were often noted with care and with pleasure. The Jersey City environment and the absence of physical elements which anchor subjects were sharply aware of the few green oases in their sur- to the past are exciting and disturbing. Many descriptions of roundings; those of Los Angeles often stopped to describe the the scene by established residents, young or old, were accom- exotic variety of local vegetation.

Several of them reported daily panied by the ghosts of what used to be there. Changes, such as detours which lengthened their trip to work but allowed them to those wrought by the freeway system, have left scars on the men- pass by some particular planting, park, or body of water. Here is tal image. It's very nice, and — oh — the jacarandas orient fast enough to keep up with them. One house about a block above has them. On down Canyon and all kinds of palm trees there: the high General comments such as these quickly become apparent on palms and the low palms; and then on down to the park.

It is possible, however, to study both interviews and field studies more systematically, and to learn Los Angeles, geared to the motor car, also furnishes the most much more about the character and structure of the urban image. These elements may be defined as follows: 1.

Paths are the channels along which the observer customarily, occasionally, or potentially moves. They may be streets, walkways, transit lines, canals, railroads. For many peo- ple, these are the predominant elements in their image. People observe the city while moving through it, and along these paths III. Edges are the linear elements not used or consid- ered as paths by the observer. They are the boundaries between two phases, linear breaks in continuity: shores, railroad cuts, edges of development, walls.

They are lateral references rather than coordinate axes. These edge elements, although probably not as dom- inant as paths, are for many people important organizing fea- There seems to be a public image of any given city tures, particularly in the role of holding together generalized which is the overlap of many individual images. Or perhaps areas, as in the outline of a city by water or wall.

Districts are the medium-to-Iarge sections of the number of citizens. Such group images are necessary if an indi- city, conceived of as having two-dimensional extent, which the vidual is to operate successfully within his environment and to observer mentally enters "inside of," and which are recognizable cooperate with his fellows.

Each individual picture is unique. Always identi- with some content that is rarely or never communicated, yet it fiable from the inside, they are also used for exterior reference if approximates the public image, which, in different environments, visible from the outside.

Most people structure their city to some is more or less compelling, more or less embracing. It seems to depend not objects. There are other influences on imageability, such as the only upon the individual but also upon the given city. Nodes, Nodes are points, the strategic spots in a city into name. These will be glossed over, since the objective here is to which an observer can enter, and which are the intensive foci to uncover the role of form itself.

It is taken for granted, that in and from which he is traveling. They may be primarily junc- actual design form should be used to reinforce meaning, and not tions, places of a break in transportation, a crossing or conver- to negate it. The contents of the city images so far studied, which are refer- Or the nodes may be simply concentrations, which gain their im- able to physical forms, can conveniently be classified into five portance from being the condensation of some use or physical types of elements: paths, edges, districts, nodes, and landmarks.

Ele- district, over which their influence radiates and of which they merus regularly overlap and pierce one another. If this analysis stand as a symbol. They may be called cores. Many nodes, of begins with the differentiation of the data into categories, it must course, partake of the nature of both junctions and concentra- end with their reintegration into the whole image.

Our studies tions. The concept of node is related to the concept of path, have furnished much information about the visual character of since junctions are typically the convergence of paths, events on the element types. This will be discussed below. Only to a the journey. It is similarly related to the concept of district, lesser extent, unfortunately, did the work make revelations about since cores are typically the intensive foci of districts, their polar- the interrelations between elements, or about image levels, image izing center.

In any event, some nodal points are to be found in qualities, or the development of the image. These latter topics almost every image, and in certain cases they may be the dom- will be treated at the end of this chapter. Landmarks are another type of point-reference, Paths but in this case the observer does not enter within them, they For most people interviewed, paths were the predominant city are external.

They are usually a rather simply defined physical elements, although their importance varied according to the object: building, sign, store, or mountain. Their use involves degree of familiarity with the city. People with least knowledge the singling our of one element from a host of possibilities. Subjects who knew the city better had usually radial references. They may be within the city or at such a dis- mastered part of the path structure; these people thought mote in tance that for all practical purposes they symbolize a constant terms of specific paths and their interrelationships.

A tendency direction. Such are isolated towers, golden domes, great hills. Other landmarks are pri- The potential drama and identification in the highway system marily local, being visible only in restricted localities and from should nor be underestimated.

One Jersey City subject, who can certain approaches. These are the innumerable signs, store find little worth describing in her surroundings, suddenly lit up fronts, trees, doorknobs, and other urban derail, which fill in the when she described the Holland Tunnel. Another recounted her image of most observers. They are frequently used clues of iden- pleasure: tity and even of structure, and seem to be increasingly relied upon as a journey becomes more and more familiar.

You cross Baldwin Avenue, you see all of New York in front of you, you see the terrific drop of land the Palisades. Thus an and you're going down hill, and there you know: there's the expressway may be a path for the driver, and edge for the pedes- tunnel, there's the Hudson River and everything. I always trian. Or a central area may be a district when a city is organized look to the right to see if I can see the. Statue of Liberty. But the categories seem to have stability for a the weather is.

I have a real feeling of happiness because given observer when he is operating at a given level. I'm going someplace, and I love to go places. None of the element types isolated above exist in isolation in Particular paths may become important features in a number the real case.

Districts are structured with nodes, defined by of ways. Narrow Washington Street is the exception to this features.

Obstacles to traffic, which often complicate the struc- rule, and here the contrast is so strong in the other direction, as ture, may in other cases clarify it by concentrating cross flow into narrowness is reinforced by tall buildings and large crowds, that fewer channels, which thus become conceptually dominant. Some of the ori- Beacon Hill, acting as a giant rotary, raises the importance of entation difficulties in Boston's financial district, or the anonymity Cambridge and Charles Streets; the Public Garden strengthens of the Los Angeles grid, may be due to this lack of spatial dom- Beacon Street.

The Charles River, by confining traffic to a few inance. Quite similarly, the Palisades in Jersey identity. Beacon Street and Commonwealth Avenue were dis- City focus attention on the three streets that successfully sur- tinctive partly because of the building facades that line them. Pavement texture seemed to be less important, except in special Concentration of special use or activity along a street may give cases such as Olvera Street in Los Angeles.

Details of planting Figure 21, page 53 Figure 30, page 77 it prominence in the minds of observers. Washington Street is seemed also to be relatively unimportant, but a great deal of the outstanding Boston example: subjects consistently associated planting, like that on Commonwealth Avenue, could reinforce it with shopping and theatres.

Some people extended these char- a path image very effectively. In this case the path would be Washington extends beyond the entertainment segment, and acting secondarily as an edge. Atlantic Avenue derived much thought it ended near Essex or Stuart Streets. Arlington —where the use concentrations are prominent enough to make and Tremont Streets were distinctive because one side runs along linear districts. People seemed to be sensitive to variations in a park, and Cambridge Street acquired clarity from its border the amount of activity they encountered, and sometimes guided relationship to Beacon Hill.

Other qualities that gave impor- themselves largely by following the main stream of traffic. Los tance to single paths were the visual exposure of the path itself Figure 18, page 38 Angeles' Broadway was recognized by its crowds and its street Or the visual exposure from the path of other parts of the city. Other kinds of activity at ground level also seemed as it sweeps through the city on an elevated course. The bridges Figure 7.

But the Station, or the bustle of the food markets. Los Angeles freeways at the edges of the downtown area are Characteristic spatial qualities were able to strengthen the Figure A number image of particular paths.

In the simplest sense, streets that sug- Of car-oriented subjects spoke as if those freeways were not gest extremes of either width or narrowness attracted attention. On the other hand, drivers indicated that their attention Cambridge Street, Commonwealth Avenue, and Atlantic Avenue sharpened as a freeway came out of a cut and attained a wide are all well known in Boston, and all were singled out for their view.

Spatial qualities of width and narrowness derived Occasionally, paths were important largely for structural rea- part of their importance from the common association of main sons. Massachusetts Avenue was almost pure structure for most streets with width and side streets with narrowness.

Looking subjects, who were unable to describe it. Most of the Jersey City paths seemed to have this purely structural character. Where major paths lacked identity, or were easily confused one for the other, the entire city image was in difficulty. Bos- ton's Longfellow Bridge was nor infrequently confused with the Charles River Dam, probably since both carry transit lines and terminate in traffic circles. This made for real difficulties in the city, both in the road and subway systems.

Many of the paths in Jersey City were difficult to find, both in reality and in memory. That the paths, once identifiable, have continuity as well, is an obvious functional necessity. People regularly depended upon this quality. The fundamental requirement is that the actual track, or bed of the pavement, go through; the continuity of other characteristics is less important. Paths which simply have a sat- isfactory degree of track continuity were selected as the dependa- ble ones in an environment like Jersey City.

They can be followed by the stranger, even if with difficulty. People often generalized that other kinds of characteristics along a continuous track were also continuous, despite actual changes. But other factors of continuity had importance as well. When the channel width changed, as Cambridge Street does at Bowdoin Square, or when the spatial continuity was interrupted, as it is at Washington Street at Dock Square, people had difficulty in sensing a continuation of the same path.

Examples of characteristics giving continuity to a path are the simply from standing on a street which by name continues to the planting and facades along Commonwealth Avenue, or the build- heart of the city, however far. A reverse example is the attention ing type and serback along Hudson Boulevard. Names in them- given to the nondescript beginnings of Wilshire and Sunset Bou- selves played a role.

Beacon Street is primarily in the Back Bay levards in the central area of Los Angeles, because of their special but relates to Beacon Hill by its name. The continuity of the character farther out. The path bordering the Boston harbor, name of Washington Street gave people a clue as to how to pro- on the other hand, was at times fragmented simply because of the ceed through the South End, even if they were ignorant of this changing names it bears: Causeway Street, Commercial Street, area.

There is a pleasant feeling of relationship to be gained and Atlantic Avenue. In Jersey City, the be distinguished from the reverse. This can be done by a gradi- never-accomplished convergence of the three main streets cross- ent, a regular change in some quality which is cumulative in one ing the Palisades, and their final nondescript subsidence, was direction. Most frequently sensed were the topographic gradi- highly confusing. A gradient of use intensity, such as on the ferred by termini, can be created by other elements which may be approach to Washington Street, was also noted, or, on a regional visible near the end, or apparent end, of a path.

The Common scale, the gradient of increasing age on approaching the center near one end of Charles Street acted this way, as did the State of Los Angeles on a freeway. In the relatively gray environment House for Beacon Street.

The apparent visual closure of 7th Figure Both are accomplished by a slight shift of the path direc- tion of movement. This was not often sensed kinesthetically: tion, putting an important building on the visual axis. Elements the only citations of a bodily sense of curving motion were in known to be on a particular side of a path also conferred a sense the Boston subway, or on portions of the Los Angeles freeways.

The turning in Charles Street this way. In Los Angeles, even the relatively heavier concentra- at Beacon Hill was sensed, for example, because the close build- tion of pedestrians on the western side of Broadway was used to Figure 18, page 38 ing walls heightened the visual perception of curvature. People tended to think of path destinations and origin points: Once a path has directional quality, it may have the further they liked to know where paths came from and where they led.

Features which facilitate scaling, of course, usually confer a observer a sense of his bearings whenever he crossed them. Some sense of direction as well, except for the simple technique of subjects thought of general destinations for paths, to a section of counting blocks, which is directionless but can be used to com- the city, for example, while others thought of specific places.

Many subjects referred to this latter clue, but by One person, who made rather high demands for intelligibility no means all. It was most commonly used in the regular pattern upon the city environment, was troubled because he saw a set of of Los Angeles. The marking of Cambridge Street in Boston has clear, strategic terminal points: identifiable regions as a path enters and leaves them also consti- the Charles Street rotary and Scollay Square.

Other streets may tuted a powerful means of giving direction and scaling to a path. On the mer Street entering the shoe and leather district on the way to other hand, the indefinite finale of Washington Street—variously South Station, are examples of this effect. In Boston, there were many examples of unaligned Recent research on the problems of erecting directional signs paths. One common cause was the subtle, misleading curve.

Even familiar driv- They considered Massachusetts Avenue to be straight, sensed its ers showed a surprising lack of knowledge of the freeway system right-angle intersections with a large number of streets, and and its connections.

General orientation to the total landscape assumed these streets to be parallel. Boylston and Tremont was the greatest need of these motorists. Atlantic detachment. The buried paths of the Boston subway could not Avenue was elusive because it is a compound of two long curves be related to the rest of the environment except where they come and a substantial straight tangent, a path which completely up for air, as in crossing the river.

The surface entrances of the reverses its direction but is straight in its most characteristic Stations may be strategic nodes in the city, but they are related section. The subway is a discon- At the same time more abrupt directional shifts may enhance nected nether world, and it is intriguing to speculate what means visual clarity by limiting the spatial corridor, and by providing might be used to mesh it into the structure of the whole.

Figure 29, page 7 5 prominent sites for distinctive structures. Thus the Washington The water surrounding the Boston peninsula is a basic element Street core was defined; Hanover Street was crowned by an old to which' parts may be aligned.

The Back Bay grid was related church at the apparent end; and the South End cross streets to the Charles River; Atlantic Avenue was linked to the harbor; gained intimacy as they shifted course to cross the major radials. Cambridge Street led clearly to the river from Scollay Square. Quite similarly, one was prevented from sensing the vacuum in Hudson Boulevard in Jersey City, despite its frequent twists, was which central Los Angeles is placed by the grid shifts which close aligned with the long peninsula between the Hackensack and the off the outward view.

The Los Angeles grid, of course, provided automatic The second common cause of misalignment to the rest of the alignment between downtown streets. It was easy to put down city was the sharp separation of a path from surrounding ele- as a basic pattern in a sketch map, even if the individual streets ments. Paths in the Boston Common, for example, caused much were not distinguishable. Two-thirds of the subjects drew this confusion: people were uncertain which walkways to use in first, before adding any other elements.

However, the fact that order to arrive at particular destinations outside the Common. The Central subjects some uneasiness. Figure 7, page 24 Artery was a still better example, for it is more detached from its When we consider more than one path, then the path inter- surroundings. It is elevated and does not allow a clear view Section becomes vital, since it is the point of decision. The sim- of adjacent streets, but permits a kind of fast and undisturbed ple perpendicular relationship seemed easiest to handle, movement totally missing in the city.

It is a special kind of especially if the shape of the intersection was reinforced by other automobile-land rather than a normal city street. Many subjects features. The best-known intersection in Boston, according to had great difficulty aligning the Artery to surrounding elements, our interviews, was that of Commonwealth Avenue and Arling- although it was known to connect North and South Stations.

In ton Street. It is a visually obvious tee, supported by the space, Los Angeles as well, the freeways were not felt to be "in" the the planting, the traffic, and the importance of the elements rest of the city, and coming off an exit ramp was typically a joined.

The crossing of Charles and Beacon Streets was also moment of severe disorientation. Intersections branching of main lines was a problem, since it was hard to keep of a number of streets with Massachusetts Avenue were easily district the images of two slightly divergent branches and hard understood, probably because the right-angle relationships stood to remember where the branch occurred. A few important paths may be imaged together as a simple Indeed, for several subjects, confused intersections with streets structure, despite any minor irregularities, as long as they have entering from many angles were one of their typical Boston I consistent general relationship to one another.

The Boston characteristics, Crossings of more than four points almost always street system is not conducive to this kind of ,mage, except per- gave trouble.

An experienced taxi dispatcher, with a near- haps for the basic parallelism of Washington and Tremont perfect grasp of the city path structure, confessed that the five- streets.

But the Boston subway system, whatever its involutions pointed crossing at Church Green on Summer Street was one of street scale, seemed fairly easy to visualize as two parallel hoes the two things in the city that troubled him. Equally unnerving cut at the center by the Cambridge-Dorchester line. The freeway system in Los But the number of entrances is not the whole story. Even a non-perpendicular, five-pointed crossing may be made clear, as FIG.

Park Square, on the other hand, is a simple perpendicular joint that in its shapelessness fails to communicate its structure. At many Boston crossings not only are the number of paths mul- tiplied, but the continuity of the spatial corridor is completely lost when it strikes the chaotic emptiness of a square. Nor are such chaotic crossings simply the product of past his- torical accident.

The contemporary highway interchange is even more confusing, particularly since it must be negotiated at higher speeds. Several Jersey City subjects, for example, spoke with figure 22 fear of the shape of the Tonnelle Avenue Circle. A perceptual problem on a larger scale is raised where a path branches slightly to make alternate paths, both of relative im- portance.

These two paths were not infrequently confused with one another, producing major convulsions in the image. All subjects seemed unable to conceive both at once: maps showed either one or the other as an extension of Storrow Drive. Almost every subject Jersey City system of Hudson Boulevard intersected by three could easily put down some twenty major paths in correct rela- paths which go down over the Palisades, or the triad of West tion to each other. At the same time, this very regularity made Side, Hudson, and Bergen Boulevards, with the regular cross it difficult for them to distinguish one path from another.

Boston's Back Bay is an interesting path network. Its regu- Where a subject was accustomed to travel by automobile, one- larity is remarkable in contrast to the rest of the central city, an way restrictions were difficult complications in the image of a effect that would not occur in most American cities.

But this is path structure. The taxi dispatcher's second mental block was not a featureless regularity. The longitudinal streets were sharply due to just such an irreversibility in the system.

For others, differentiated from the cross streets in everyone's mind, much as Washington Street was not traceable across Dock Square because they are in Manhattan.

The long streets all have individual Figure 23 it is one-way entering on both sides. The relative width of the streets, the block lengths, the building frontages, the naming system, the relative length and number of the two kinds of streets, their FlG.

The Bach Bay functional importance, all tend to reinforce this differentiation. Thus a regular pattern is given form and character. The alpha- bet formula for naming the cross streets was frequently used as a location device, much as the numbers are used in Los Angeles.

The South End, on the other hand, while having the same topological form of long parallel major streets interconnected by short minor streets, and while often mentally considered as a regular grid, is much less successful in its pattern. Major and minor streets are also differentiated by width and use, and many of the minor streets have more character than those of the Back Bay.

But there is a lack of differentiated character in the major streets: Columbus Avenue is hard to distinguish from Tremont Street, or from Shawmut Avenue. This interchangeability was frequent in the interviews. The frequent reduction of the South End to a geometrical sys- tem was typical of the constant tendency of the subjects to impose regularity on their surroundings.

Unless obvious evi- dence refuted it, they tried to organize paths into geometrical networks, disregarding curves and non-perpendicular intersec- tions. The lower area of Jersey City was frequently drawn as a grid, even though it is one only in part. Subjects absorbed all of central Los Angeles into a repeating network, without being disturbed by the distortion at the eastern edge.

The sudden, and particularly the opment in this direction. This lack of peninsular closure rather indiscernible, shift of one grid system to another grid deprived the citizen of a satisfying sense of completion and system, or to a non-grid, was very confusing. Edition Notes Includes bibliography. Classifications Dewey Decimal Class The Physical Object Pagination p. Number of pages Community Reviews 0 Feedback? Loading Related Books. Press in English. Press in English - 13th printing.

Press in English - 1st M. Press in English P in English. The Image of the Environment. The City Image and Its Elements.

Appendix A: Some References to Orientation. Appendix B: The Use of the Method. Appendix C: Two Examples of Analysis. September 28, May 19, December 21, Edited by WorkBot. Edited by George.